“Le vouloir bien faire est tourné en un trop en faire anti-démocratique,” which translates to ‘the desire to do good has turned into an anti-democratic overdoing.’ (Larrazet) Taking issue with the impacts of political correctness, French researcher Christine Larrazet exemplifies the overarching attitude towards wokeism in France, where political correctness is seen in a starkly negative light on all sides of the aisle. Unlike in the United States, wokeism is rejected on the left as much as it is on the right, largely due to the fact that it is perceived as a threat to free speech. 

On the left, the subject is treated with much more concern in France than it is in the United States. In his book OK Millenials! French writer Brice Couturier—a journalist and prominent figure on the modern left—argues that France, whose history is very different from that of the United States, has long imagined itself sheltered from the delusions of political correctness. He admits, however, that wokeism is widespread on college campuses, especially in the grandes écoles (French equivalent to the Ivy League, in terms of prestige), such as Sciences Po. He writes that the spread of political correctness began in the U.S. at American colleges, and that now, it is everywhere. He concludes that France ‘has been warned.’ (Couturier) Couturier’s writing evidences the apprehensive and fearful attitudes towards political correctness and wokeism in France, particularly in regards to the view that these ideas threaten freedom of expression, a fundamental tenet of French democracy.  

Last year, I studied as an exchange student at one of the grandes écoles; in fact, it was the one Couturier named—Sciences Po. Throughout this experience, I found the opposite of what Couturier argued to be true. Classes at Sciences Po stressed the importance of studying all opinions, even problematic ones—and at times especially problematic ones—to encourage critical thinking and teach students to support their arguments effectively. Discourse was rarely censored, and I often noticed that the language used in class was much less prudent and ‘politically correct’ than what I was used to in the States. There were no trigger warnings, ever. 

This is not to say that French students were less liberal or critical of their institutions than my classmates back at home. In fact, the uninhibited discourse seemed to make space for more radical conversations in an academic setting. Communism was discussed seriously in classroom environments. Professors put forth ideas and asked us to challenge them. Freedom of expression was the foundation of every argument. French culture felt saturated with intellectualism on a much more ground level than in the United States. My friends quoted Foucault and Marx in casual settings without skipping a beat. When issues like the war in Ukraine and the energy crisis dominated news cycles, television programs hosted contemporary Parisian philosophers to dissect the issue for their audiences. As far as I could tell, there was no cultural or personal concern about seeming pretentious or pseudo-intellectual. So why was there such intense pushback on a largely academic issue?

Fundamentally, France has not had to reckon with its history in the same way that the U.S. has. The notions of political correctness and wokeism were popularized in the States within the context of American history—characterized by patriarchy, slavery, segregation, and oppression. The context for these ideas is fundamentally different in France, whose colonial history took place, in large part, on the soil of other countries. It is much easier for citizens to sidestep their country’s own difficult history when the relics and reminders of the colonization that took place are geographically, emotionally, and intellectually distant. Moreover, laws against hate speech exist in France. It is rarely acknowledged that the implementation of political correctness reflects the fact that an individual in the United States can say racist or sexist things without legal consequences. 

The difference in language is also relevant to understanding the divide. Political correctness cannot pose a real threat to free speech, because the moral condemnation of something is not equivalent to a restriction of expression. This is differentiated in English by the words censure and censorship. In French, the word censure is used for both. Censorship goes hand in hand with censure in French both etymologically and logically, especially in the minds of people who may have not deconstructed the difference in a contemporary academic setting. If the two are indistinguishable, then the moral condemnation of problematic language that is expressed through wokeism is parallel to the eradication of controversial schools of thought.

All in all, it seems that the French have rejected the all-too American idea of wokeism. In and of itself, political correctness represents no threat to freedom of expression. However, the fear that it does seems to inform a very real apprehension towards all things woke. Ultimately, there is a common concern that wokeism will lead to a dystopian future, where books are banned, everything comes with a trigger warning, and certain thoughts or opinions are unequivocally forbidden. This is the fundamental misunderstanding of where the intentions of political correctness lie, which at its core is meant to be used as a tool to foster more inclusive, respectful, and intersectional dialogue—which is, of course, not mutually exclusive with freedom of speech. 

References

Christine Larrazet, “Politically correct: une guerre des mots américaine,” Hermès, La Revue 2010/3 (n° 58), pp. 111-112.

Brice Couturier, OK Millenials ! Éditions de l’Observatoire, Paris, September 2021, p. 45.