Out of the Ashes: The Best Way Forward as Syria's War Draws to a Close

By Connor Matteson ‘22

After almost eight years of brutal, internecine warfare and the loss of nearly half a million lives, it appears that nothing in Syria will change after all. President Bashar al-Assad has cornered the last of the opposition in a single province and will, in all likelihood, remain in power thanks to the timely and costly intervention of his Iranian and Russian allies. Assad can hardly afford to rest on his laurels for very long, however, as the human costs of his victory in many respects make it ring hollow in many ways. Syria is a nation in ruins: its infrastructure and cities have been reduced to rubble, millions of its citizens have fled abroad, and an entire generation of young people has been scarred irreparably. As such, Assad will inevitably be forced to call upon the international community for aid in rebuilding his shattered country. Russia and Iran were invaluable allies to Assad on the battlefield, but as providers of nation-building capital they leave much to be desired. Along with the People’s Republic of China and the European Union, America is best equipped to fulfill this crucial role. Many in the foreign policy community have argued that the United States owes Assad nothing in light of the war crimes he has committed, and they are correct: America owes nothing to Syria’s brutal dictator. However, for the sake of world stability, it does owe something to the Syrian people.

The mass exodus of countless Syrian refugees to neighboring countries and the West has undoubtedly been one of the war’s most far-reaching consequence. The disproportionate amount of refugees hosted by neighboring Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan has placed huge strains on their resources and served as a point of growing tension, increasing the risk of further violence and state failure. In addition, their sizable presence in Europe has added fuel to the rhetoric of populist political figures and parties, helping facilitate their dramatic electoral rise across the continent. Due to these factors and many others, it is in the best interest of the exiled Syrians and the world at large if a large number of refugees are able to return and assist in the rebuilding of their country. However, this is only possible if they feel that there is some hope waiting for them back home. International assistance from America and other nations would be the best way to provide it.

If this aid were to materialize, then any reconstruction aid that the United States offers to Syria should not come anywhere near Assad or his inner circle of sycophants that has enabled him. Instead, the aid should be offered through a neutral, trusted third party such as the United Nations so that it ends up lining new roads instead of lining corrupt pockets. If done properly, then there is a chance that America and the rest of the international community can use this aid in order to leverage democratic concessions out of Assad. These include but are certainly not limited to amnesty for political prisoners and the creation of an autonomous region in the north of Syria for the Kurds, who have proven themselves to be the most sober actors in a region in dire need of them. In this way, Syrians and the international community may finally start to see some positive headlines for a change. However, this is only possible if America and the world are able to swallow their pride, accept the failure of their previous approach, and embark on this path of reconstruction and revival instead of continuing down their present one of denunciation and division.